For parents who've noticed something
You're not imagining it.
Your child is being scored at school. Points, dojos, house points, a colour on the board, a total that arrives on your phone before they do. Something about it has been bothering you for a while.
You've probably not said it out loud, in case it sounds like you're being precious, or like a parent who can't take their child not winning. You're not. Thousands of parents have noticed exactly the same things, mostly in silence.
Caution: behavioural scoring in use
CONTAINS: public comparison · daily ranking · permanent record · removal of points already earned
EXPOSURE: approx. 190 school days per year, from age four
HALF-LIFE: unknown. Nobody has measured it.
Nobody has given this child a negative. Nobody has given them anything.
Reported effects
Any of these sound familiar?
Every one of these is something a parent has sat down and written out somewhere, usually after months of assuming it was just them and just their child. There are thirty-one. See how far you get.
The quiet ones
- Your child gets hardly any points because they're quiet and get on with their work.
- The teacher says they're a joy to teach. They have never once been star of the week.
- They got every question right and got nothing. The child who got half of them right got a certificate.
- Nobody has ever taken a point off them. They still have the lowest total in the class.
- They've stopped putting their hand up, because there's nothing in it either way.
- They've asked you, quite calmly, what the point of trying is.
- They've told you they feel invisible, and you didn't have an answer ready.
The maths of it
- They've asked you why the naughtiest child in their class gets the most points.
- They've worked out that the way to get noticed is to be difficult first, then improve.
- A child who did something genuinely unkind won the weekly prize anyway.
Losing them
- Points they earned last week can be taken off them this week.
- They started Monday in the red, and there was no way back before Friday.
- Two negatives against a hundred and fifty positives, and the chart still reads as a bad year.
In front of everyone
- Their name is displayed on the board with a number next to it, indicating their goodness that day.
- Their little cartoon avatar slides from green to amber to red, in front of everyone.
- They hear a horrible sound when they don't look at their teacher.
- Every child in that room knows who is always on red. Including the ones who are always on red.
- Another child's parent has decided your child isn't a good influence, based on a running total.
It comes home with them
- Your phone buzzes every time they lose one.
- You've been asked to give points at home as well.
- You know their score for the day before you know a single thing that happened in it.
- You've found yourself lying awake over a number somebody else gave a seven-year-old.
- You never agreed to any of it. You were told which app to download.
The ones who can't win it
- They're marked down for lateness, lost kit and forgotten homework: the exact things they find hardest.
- The support plan says one thing and the behaviour chart says another.
- Nobody has ever suggested the system could be adjusted for them, only that they should try harder.
- Their behaviour has got worse since it came in, not better.
When it stops working
- They're immune to it now. The points mean nothing.
- They only do it when the teacher is watching, and they will tell you so quite cheerfully.
- They've stopped telling you what they did today and started telling you what they scored.
- They've asked what happens to all the points at the end of the year. Nobody knows.
None of this is a case for your child getting more points, or the other child getting fewer. That's the argument the system wants you to have: parents comparing totals while nobody asks why the totals exist. What you're recognising isn't a fairness gap. It's a design, working as built.
The part nobody explains at parents' evening
It isn't your child. It's the design.
Each of these has a straightforward explanation, and the explanations are often worse than the complaint.
Why doing what's asked earns nothing
Ask a school and you'll usually get an honest answer: points are aimed at change, not at consistency. A child who goes from disruptive to tolerable has moved. A child who was fine in September and is still fine in June hasn't moved at all, so there is nothing for the system to notice.
That's a coherent policy. It also means a child can meet every expectation, every day, for a year, and register as nothing at all, and yours worked that out long before anybody explained it to them.
"But we only give positive points"
This is the most common defence of the whole thing, and it's usually offered in good faith. No negatives. Nothing taken away. Only rewards. Some schools have written the minus button out of the policy altogether and consider the matter settled.
It doesn't do what people think it does. A score doesn't need a minus sign in front of it to be a ranking. If your child has none and everybody else has ten, your child has learned precisely what a red mark would have taught them, with the added difficulty that nothing has actually been done to them, so there is nothing to query, nothing to appeal, and no adult who believes anything has gone wrong.
Zero is only neutral on its own. On a board, next to everyone else's ten, zero is a negative, and it's the one nobody has to justify.
It's also the quietest version of the problem, which is why it survives. A child who loses points at least gets told why. A child who simply never gains any gets no explanation at all, because from the front of the room nothing has happened.
Why the most challenging children collect the most
The points are being used to build a relationship and encourage a small step forward, which is a kind and reasonable instinct from a teacher trying to hold a room together.
But look at what that child is actually receiving. A child who finds school genuinely difficult (who can't settle, can't organise themselves, can't hold it together after lunch) is being handed points. What they need is support: somebody to work out why, an adjustment, an assessment, an adult with time.
The most challenging children tend to collect the most rewards, when what they need is the most support.
There's a reason that substitution happens, and it isn't cynicism. A point costs nothing and takes a second. Support costs money, takes months, and sometimes involves admitting that a school cannot currently meet a child's needs. A system that dispenses points is, among other things, a system that looks like something is being done.
The rest of the class, meanwhile, can see the board. Thirty children work out fairly quickly that the ones who find it hardest to follow instructions are the ones being rewarded most. Whatever that teaches, it isn't fairness, and it's the first genuinely unfair thing many children ever meet from an adult they trusted.
Why points can be taken away
A point earned is supposed to describe something that happened. Removing it says the thing didn't happen. Nothing else in a child's life works that way: you don't un-win a race on Thursday because you were rude on Friday.
It survives because it's fast. Deducting a point is the quickest consequence available in a busy room, which is also why it doesn't teach anything. It ends the moment, and leaves the child with a debt rather than a lesson.
Why it's on the wall where everyone can see
The public part isn't a side-effect, it's the mechanism. Comparison is what gives a scoreboard its force. If the scores were private, most of the pressure would go with them, which is precisely why they aren't.
So a slip that would once have been a quiet word becomes a visible change in status, in front of the audience a child most cares about. Adults would not accept this in any workplace, and would say so loudly.
Why it follows you home
The notification is not there for your child's benefit. An app that lives on a parent's phone is an app the school finds hard to drop, and a product that reaches a far larger audience than the classroom it was sold for.
The effect is that a running commentary on a seven-year-old's day arrives on your phone at twenty to three, stripped of everything a teacher would have added if they'd told you in person. It isn't a report. It's a score with no context, delivered to someone who can't act on it.
To be clear
It works. That's sort of the problem.
Managing thirty children (several of them having a genuinely difficult day) with no spare pair of hands and about four minutes to plan for it is one of the hardest jobs going. An app that calms a room by ten past nine is doing exactly what it was built to do. These systems exist because they solve a real problem, fast.
It's worth being straight about why a particular teacher is using one, because the answers aren't all the same and pretending they are helps nobody.
Many don't want to. The school has decided, it's written into the behaviour policy, and the app is up on the whiteboard whether they agree with it or not. Plenty of them have children of their own and can see precisely what it does.
Some were never offered anything else. Behaviour is a small part of initial teacher training, and most of what a new teacher knows about it was picked up from whoever happened to be in the next classroom.
For some it is simply all they have ever known. They were scored at school themselves, they trained in schools that scored, and they have never worked anywhere that didn't.
And some like it, because it works. That's the uncomfortable one, and it's true. A campaign that pretended these systems don't work wouldn't be worth reading: the argument here is that they work, and that working is not the same as being right.
How it arrived varies too. Sometimes it's a whole-school decision taken above the classroom. Sometimes one teacher, worn down by a difficult class, downloads something because it's the only thing getting them through a Tuesday, and nobody above them ever signs it off, reviews it, or writes it into a policy at all.
Understanding why something persists is not the same as agreeing that it should. Whether something works and whether it's the right thing to do to a child are two different questions, and school behaviour policy mostly only ever gets asked the first one.
Your child has this run on them, every day, for years, chosen by adults, with very little reference to what the research says about what it does to their motivation, their self-image, or their sense of being watched and scored. That isn't a small decision. It's an ethical one, made at scale, on behalf of people too young to have a say in it.
So the argument here is with the decision, and with whoever took it (which, in a great many schools, turns out to be nobody in particular).
Two questions worth sitting with
Would we accept it anywhere else?
Would you want it used on you?
Picture walking into work to a screen ranking every colleague (planning handed in early, timekeeping, best displays) with the leaders at the top and the same few names at the bottom every week. Be honest about how that would feel, for the people at the top as much as everyone else.
Would you use it on your own children?
Imagine sitting your two children down on a Friday to announce which of them was your favourite this week, on points. Almost nobody would do that in their own home. It's worth asking why it's considered fine to do to a roomful of other people's children.
The obvious objection
"So you're against competition?"
Not remotely. Sports day is fine. A reading competition is fine. Children enjoy competing, they learn useful things from losing, and a childhood with no contests in it would be duller and worse preparation for everything that follows.
The objection deserves a proper answer, though, because a points board does look like a competition, and if competition is acceptable, so is this. It isn't the same thing, and the difference is precise.
Decided by the competitor
Everyone knows the rules before it starts. The outcome is measured. And it turns on what the competitor actually does: you win the hundred metres by running it fastest.
The judge is a stopwatch. A stopwatch is not having a difficult morning, does not have thirty other things to keep an eye on, and does not find some children easier to like than others.
Decided by the person awarding
The criteria are mostly unwritten: ask a child what the points are actually for and you will often get a shrug. Nothing is measured.
And the outcome doesn't turn on the competitor at all. It turns on the person handing them out: their attention, their memory, their mood, and who they happened to be looking at.
That is the whole distinction. In a race you win by performing. Here you win by being noticed. A child can do everything right for a fortnight and score nothing because nobody was looking in their direction, which is not a thing that can happen in the hundred metres.
It gets worse once you remember what these systems are built to reward. In a race, improvement doesn't win the medal; being fastest does. In a points system improvement is the explicit target, so the child who was already doing everything asked of them in September is structurally incapable of winning. They have been entered into a contest whose rules make their performance invisible. No sports day has ever worked like that.
And there's a final difference, which is the one that actually matters. Losing a race means you ran slower than somebody else, on one afternoon, at one thing. Everyone understands that, including the child. Losing on a points board means an adult has weighed up everything you did all week and marked you down on a scale whose name is goodness.
A race measures what you did. A points board measures what you are.
So compete away. Just be honest about which of the two you're actually running.
The bit underneath all of it
You can't train a dog to be good
You can train a dog to be obedient, which is a different thing. And when we say good dog, obedient is what we mean. Sat when asked. Didn't jump up. Came back when called. Nobody imagines the dog has weighed the situation up, considered how the visitor felt about being jumped on, and decided against it on the merits. Nor do we need it to. It's a dog.
Behaviourism has its place. A five-year-old learning to hang their coat up, say. But applied to behaviour it can only ever produce the same result it produces in a dog: someone who does the thing while the thing is being counted. That is genuinely worth having on a wet Tuesday in a difficult room. It is not the same as a child who is good, and it will not, on its own, ever produce one.
Good is a harder thing than compliant. It means understanding why something matters, noticing when another person needs something, and choosing to do it with nothing on offer and nobody watching, which is precisely the moment a points system has nothing to say, because there is no one there to award anything. A scoreboard cannot reach the only situation that counts.
Happy is harder still. A child who spends seven years learning to read a room for what earns approval has learned something real, and it isn't contentment. It's a habit of checking.
None of which is an argument for a free-for-all. It's an argument that the thing we actually want, a person who is decent to other people and reasonably at ease in themselves, was never going to be downstream of a running total. You cannot count your way to it.
We are teaching students, not training dogs.
And the older the child, the more obvious it gets. A fifteen-year-old has to make good decisions in situations nobody trained them for. That takes conversation, not a chart, and by then the chart should have been quietly replaced by exactly that.
Not evenly distributed
The same children end up at the bottom of the board
A scoring system looks neutral. Everybody starts on nothing, everybody can earn. But it is applied to a class of children who do not arrive at school with the same relationship to sitting still, following a spoken instruction, remembering the right equipment, or being read charitably by a tired adult. So an even-handed system produces an uneven result, reliably, in the same direction, every year.
For some children, the thing being scored is the disability
Sitting still. Making eye contact. Remembering the book. Arriving on time. Not reacting to a noise everyone else has filtered out. For an autistic or ADHD child these are not lapses in conduct: they are the exact features of the condition, and they are exactly what a points system counts.
So the child isn't being scored on their behaviour. They're being marked down for the way their brain works, several times a day, in front of everyone. And because the score is a number, it arrives looking like a fact about the child rather than a fact about the system that produced it.
Points are the front of a pipeline
A point is not the end of the road. Points become detentions, detentions become a record, and the record becomes the evidence for a suspension. We know quite precisely how that pipeline distributes, because the government publishes the figures every year, and the same groups have been at the wrong end of them for as long as anyone has been counting.
The points app did not cause any of that. Exclusion disparities long predate it. But points are where the record starts, they are the earliest visible expression of the same judgements, and they are the only part of the pipeline a parent can see before it becomes something more serious.
It doesn't create the bias. It launders it.
Two children do the same thing. One is read as having a difficult morning; the other as having an attitude. That judgement is made in about a second, by an adult with thirty other things happening, and the evidence is that it is not made the same way about every child, which is what the research on adultification bias describes.
A points system doesn't invent that. What it does is convert it. A judgement call becomes a figure on a board, and a figure doesn't look like an opinion. By the end of term it is a total, and by the following September it is what the next teacher knows about that child before meeting them.
The law has moved further than most behaviour policies
In February 2026 the Upper Tribunal held that a school's duty to make reasonable adjustments for disabled pupils applies to the operation of its behaviour policy: to sanctions and exclusions, not only to admissions. Plenty of behaviour policies were written before anyone had put that to a tribunal.
Treating every child identically is not the same as treating every child fairly. It only looks the same from the front of the room.
And nobody looks at the numbers
The single thing a points app is genuinely excellent at is generating data. Which means every school running one is sitting on a term's worth of evidence about who collects points and who doesn't: searchable, exportable, already paid for.
Almost none of them have ever broken it down by SEND status, ethnicity or free school meal eligibility. It costs nothing but a filter, and it is the one question that turns all of this from an opinion into something a governing body has to do something about. It's on the list.
The evidence for all of this (the national exclusion figures broken down by ethnicity, SEND status and free school meals, the tribunal ruling in full, and five things a school could do about it this term) is set out in the briefing, with every source listed. It's written for governors and SENCOs, and it's built to be printed and taken into a meeting.
Read the briefing →In case anyone tells you you're overthinking it
You are not the first person to notice this
Psychologists have been testing what happens when you reward children for things they'd have done anyway since the early 1970s, and the findings have been stubbornly consistent ever since. One of them ran almost exactly this argument as an experiment.
Promise a child a certificate for drawing (something they already loved doing) and they draw less for fun afterwards.
Lepper, M. R., Greene, D., & Nisbett, R. E. (1973). Undermining children's intrinsic interest with extrinsic reward: A test of the "overjustification" hypothesis. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 28, 129–137.
still holds up, 50 years onPooling decades of experiments: tangible rewards for already-interesting tasks reliably reduce a person's own motivation to do them.
Deci, E. L., Koestner, R., & Ryan, R. M. (1999). A meta-analytic review of experiments examining the effects of extrinsic rewards on intrinsic motivation. Psychological Bulletin, 125(6), 627–668.
On the app itself: turning behaviour into a live, public scoreboard shifts children from following an expectation to performing for the points, and works as much like surveillance as teaching.
Manolev, J., Sullivan, A., & Millei, Z. (2019). The datafication of discipline: ClassDojo, surveillance and a performative classroom culture. Learning, Media and Technology, 44(1), 36–51.
the one written about the actual productGold stars are the carrot side of the same coin as punishment. Both control behaviour rather than build any understanding of it, and both stop working the moment they stop.
Kohn, A. (1993). Punished by Rewards: The Trouble with Gold Stars, Incentive Plans, A's, Praise, and Other Bribes. Houghton Mifflin.
A note on naming names: we say ClassDojo because it's the product actually running in most of these classrooms, and the one a peer-reviewed study bothered to examine by name. The same critique applies to its poorer cousins: the various points apps, charts and merit systems doing much the same job, most of which simply haven't had a paper written about them yet.
A question worth putting to a school
So what's the research behind the app itself?
It's a fair question and it sounds almost rude, which is why it rarely gets asked. Every other thing a school buys for a classroom is expected to come with an evidence base. This one arrived on a phone.
There is a literature. A 2024 review in Education and Treatment of Children looked specifically at classroom behaviour management apps (treating tools like ClassDojo as what they structurally are, a token economy delivered on a screen) and found fifteen peer-reviewed studies worth including. Only 53% of them met basic methodological quality standards. Of the fifteen, three measured whether a child's learning was affected at all. The review's own conclusion is that the evidence is mixed and preliminary, not that it's damning or reassuring.
Meanwhile the single most-cited peer-reviewed paper that examines ClassDojo by name isn't a trial at all. It's a critique: of surveillance, of performativity, of what a live public scoreboard does to a classroom culture. That's an unusual shape for a product's research base: the most serious academic attention it has attracted is an argument against it.
And the Education Endowment Foundation, which is where English schools are normally sent for evidence, is more careful than the sales pitch. Reward systems can help, it says, as part of a broader classroom management strategy, while noting that UK research into interventions focused exclusively on reward systems has been inconclusive. Its stronger recommendations are about training teachers and giving specific, behaviour-related praise. Neither of those is an app.
There's a straightforward reason for the gap, and it isn't a conspiracy. Anything a school actually buys has to get past someone: a budget line, a business manager, a governor asking what the evidence is. These apps mostly didn't arrive that way. They arrived free, on a teacher's phone, recommended by another teacher who was also having a hard term. A thing nobody has to buy is a thing nobody ever has to justify. It skipped procurement, and procurement is the only conversation in a school where somebody would have asked for the research.
By the time it's running in every classroom and sitting on every parent's phone, it isn't a trial any more. It's just how the school does things, and there is no meeting anyone can point to where it was decided.
Ask your school what evidence it looked at before adopting the app. The answer is almost never "a review". It's almost always "a colleague recommended it."
It's worth asking who this was built for
The school isn't the customer. You are.
ClassDojo is free. Not free for a term, or free until the price goes up: the company's own position is that everything currently free will stay free for schools, permanently. A school pays nothing for it.
Being free is what let it skip procurement, which is why nobody ever asked it for evidence. But it has a second consequence, and that one almost nobody notices: the money has to come from somewhere, and it isn't coming from the school. ClassDojo's revenue is a subscription called ClassDojo Plus, and it isn't sold to schools at all. It's sold to families, around five pounds a month for extra messaging, progress reports and points you can award at home. The company became profitable within months of launching it, and reported annualised revenue of more than $30 million by 2022.
You are not a stakeholder the school decided to keep informed. You are the paying market.
Once that's clear, the notifications stop looking like a courtesy. The app on your phone, the ping at twenty to three, the invitation to hand out points at home. None of that was requested by the school on your behalf. It is how a free product reaches the people who actually pay for it.
It's worth being fair about what the company doesn't do. ClassDojo carries no third-party advertising and states that it doesn't sell teacher, parent or student information to anyone. The point here is narrower and harder to wave away: a free product still has an incentive, and the design always points wherever the incentive lives. In this case it points at your phone.
The bit that should worry everyone
We're about to ban this for teenagers. We start it at four.
Strip a "like" back to what it actually is: a small, public, numerical token of approval, handed out by your peer group, visible to everybody, accumulating into a total that sits next to your name. Now do the same to a dojo point. Structurally, they're close enough to be worth taking seriously as the same kind of mechanism: not proof that a classroom produces the same effects a phone does, but a resemblance too exact to wave away as a coincidence.
We know a fair amount about what that mechanism does. In 2016 researchers put thirty-two adolescents in an MRI scanner and showed them a simulated Instagram feed; photographs carrying lots of likes produced markedly greater activity in the brain's reward circuitry, particularly the nucleus accumbens. In 2021 a team publishing in Nature Communications showed that people's posting behaviour follows the same reward-learning equations developed to describe animals foraging for food: post more when the likes are coming, slow down when they aren't. Their own framing for it was a Skinner box.
The pub version of this is "a dopamine hit", which is loose but points at something real: a small social token, delivered unpredictably, is one of the most reliable ways known to shape behaviour. That's the mechanism the platforms were accused of building. Nobody has run the equivalent study on a Year 3 classroom (the studies above are about phones, not points charts) but a points app asks a seven-year-old to do the same kind of checking, several times a day, and it would be a strange place to assume nothing carries across.
A classroom points system has one feature the platforms have been quietly retreating from: a dislike button.
That's not rhetoric. YouTube made its dislike counts private in 2021. Instagram spent years trialling hiding like counts altogether, precisely because of what visible peer scoring does to young people. The industry that built this mechanism has been backing away from its sharpest edge, while in a Year 3 classroom a public negative can still be applied to a named child by an adult, in front of everyone, with a sound effect.
And the child can't do any of the things an adult can. They can't go private, can't mute it, can't delete the app, can't put the phone in a drawer. They are in the room, on the board, for six hours a day, for eleven years.
Then there's the age. Social media nominally starts at thirteen. On 15 June 2026 the UK government announced it would go further and bar under-16s altogether, under section 70 of the Children's Wellbeing and Schools Act 2026, with the ban expected to come into effect from spring 2027, on the argument that the design features are addictive and that children shouldn't be exposed to them. Behaviour points start in reception. Four and five year olds, publicly scored, often before they can reliably read the number being kept about them.
From the age of four or five, children are put into a Hunger Games-style public competition: one nobody chooses to take part in, nobody can withdraw from, and which can run for the whole of childhood.
And the quiet cost underneath
Drowning the real thing in a louder one
A child paints a picture because painting is absorbing. Writes a story because making something up is a pleasure. These are not small motivations: they are the ones that last, and they're the whole reason anybody ends up any good at anything.
Then someone awards two points for it. The points are a smaller thing than what they've just landed on top of: they don't survive the week, they don't transfer, they mean nothing outside that classroom. But they are louder. They're countable, they're immediate, they're public, and they come with a noise. Given long enough, the loud small thing drowns out the quiet large one, and the child starts asking what a story is worth rather than what it's about.
We are drowning intrinsic motivation in extrinsic rewards that mean less but feel like more.
This is the oldest finding in the field, not a hunch: promise children a certificate for drawing and they draw less for fun afterwards. Fifty years on, it has survived every attempt to make it go away. We simply built an app that does it faster, to more children, with a running total.
House points and merit systems do the analogue version. The same names collect the most, term after term: the children who were already motivated and already engaged. The ones who find school harder collect fewer and fall further behind in a race they never entered.
Sherman, L. E., Payton, A. A., Hernandez, L. M., Greenfield, P. M., & Dapretto, M. (2016). The power of the like in adolescence. Psychological Science, 27(7), 1027–1035. · Lindström, B., Bellander, M., Schultner, D. T., Chang, A., Tobler, P. N., & Amodio, D. M. (2021). A computational reward learning account of social media engagement. Nature Communications, 12, 1311. · The under-16 restriction was announced on 15 June 2026 and rests on section 70 of the Children's Wellbeing and Schools Act 2026, which amended the Online Safety Act 2023.
Why this, with everything else going on
The harm is small. It happens 190 days a year.
This is the reasonable objection, and it deserves a proper answer rather than a wounded one. There is a great deal wrong with the world. Why spend any of your attention on a classroom app?
We are very bad at noticing harm that arrives quietly
Ask people which is more dangerous, nuclear power or burning coal, and most will say nuclear. It isn't close. Per unit of electricity generated, coal is associated with roughly 24.6 deaths per terawatt-hour and oil with 18.4. Nuclear is 0.07, and that figure already includes Chernobyl and Fukushima.
The reason for the gap between the numbers and the intuition is that nuclear kills in events. They have names, dates, a place you can point to on a map, and footage. Coal kills continuously and invisibly, in ones and twos, through air that nobody photographs. One of those is frightening. The other is merely fatal.
There's a detail in the Fukushima figure that makes the point better than the headline does: the great majority of the deaths counted against it came from the evacuation rather than the radiation. A significant part of the harm was caused by our reaction to the danger rather than the danger itself. That is how badly the instinct performs.
None of which is an argument that nuclear power is perfectly safe, and it isn't an argument about energy at all. It's an argument about how unreliable we are at weighing a harm that never turns up as an event.
Nothing here is a disaster. That's the problem.
No single thing a points app does is a scandal. A child gets no point on a Tuesday. A name sits at the bottom of a list for a fortnight. A five-year-old works out, quietly and without telling anyone, that they are one of the ones who doesn't get things. Any one of these is far too small to report, complain about, or photograph.
Now multiply. One hundred and ninety school days a year. Eleven years of compulsory schooling. Millions of children, in this country and in many others, most of them scored several times a day by an adult holding a phone.
Very small, multiplied by enormous, sustained for a decade, is not small. It is simply not photogenic.
And unlike most items on the list of things wrong with the world, this one is unusually cheap to fix. It doesn't need a treaty, a budget settlement or somebody else's government. It needs a school to look honestly at what it is already doing and let the research inform it. Turn off the public totals. Stop deducting what was earned. Train the staff properly. That is a settings change and some professional development, and nobody has to wait for permission to start.
A useful piece of recent history
We used to hit them, and that was policy
It is worth remembering how recently physical pain was a standard tool of classroom behaviour management in this country: not an abuse scandal, not a rogue teacher, but written policy, defended by reasonable people who believed it worked.
Corporal punishment prohibited in schools
| Year | Where |
|---|---|
| 1783 | Poland: widely cited as the first country to abolish it |
| 1982 | Ireland: fully prohibited from 1 February |
| 1986 | United Kingdom: state schools only |
| 1998 | England and Wales: private schools |
| 2000 | Scotland: private schools |
| 2003 | Northern Ireland: private schools |
| today | Still lawful in schools in 62 states worldwide |
Sources: End Corporal Punishment (UK country report; Ending corporal punishment in schools, 2023; Countdown, 2025). As of 2023, 136 states had prohibited corporal punishment in schools, up from 125 in 2015, but 793 million school-age children still live in countries where it has not been fully prohibited, and only around 15% of the world's children are fully protected in law from all corporal punishment.
Read the UK rows again. A child starting school in 1997 could still lawfully be hit at a private school in England. In Northern Ireland, 2002. There are teachers in classrooms today who trained under that regime, and parents at the school gates who were caned.
Nobody now defends it. The interesting question isn't whether the people who did were monsters. They weren't, mostly. They were doing what the policy said and what had been done to them. The interesting question is what we are currently doing that will look just as obvious in thirty years.
The part that actually matters
Nobody worked out what should replace it
Here is the mistake, and it is the reason this campaign exists. When the cane was taken away, the ban was the whole policy. There was no accompanying answer to the obvious next question: what does a teacher do instead, at half past ten on a wet Tuesday, with thirty children and one of them refusing to sit down?
So schools improvised. And what they improvised, over thirty years, with genuinely good intentions and very little training, was reward. Then more reward. Then a laminated chart. Then an app to keep count of the reward, ping the parents, and rank the class.
We did not arrive at extrinsic motivation by weighing the evidence. We reached for it because something had been removed and the gap had to be filled by the end of the week.
That is not an argument for going back. It is an argument that the replacement was never actually chosen, and has never since been examined, which is precisely why it is still possible to run it on every child in a school without anyone being able to name the meeting where it was decided.
We banned hitting children without deciding what should take its place. We are still deciding. In a great many classrooms, the answer became a points app.
If there is a thing worth doing in the next thirty years, it is working out the replacement properly this time: before, rather than after.
We're not trying to ban praise.
Telling a child they've done well is one of the better parts of the job, and there are plenty of ways to do it that don't involve a running total, an audience, or an app.
This is only about turning how a child behaves into a score. And, while we're here, an email address is still a perfectly good way to hear when there's something new to say.
Keep me posted
No noise, no streaks, no points for opening the email. Just the occasional update.
Done. Look out for an email.
Unsubscribe whenever. We're making a point about consent, we're hardly going to skip it here. Press or research enquiries welcome. Just say so above.
Not more points. Better teaching.
The alternative isn't a colder classroom with a gap on the wall where the chart used to be. It's adults giving the thing the points were always standing in for: genuine acknowledgement, specific praise, the quiet message that somebody noticed. It takes training and time, which no app can supply and nobody can install.
Years later, children don't remember the points. They remember the moments.
The direction of travel is always the same: from external control toward internal motivation, from compliance toward cooperation, from a class that behaves because we're watching toward a class that behaves because that's who they've become.So what can I actually do about it? →
Not for sale
Not a course. Not a consultancy pitch. Just an argument.
Toxic Rewards isn't a product, and nobody behind it is trying to sell you one. There is no course at the end of it, no training package, no book. It's a campaign: at the moment a website and a body of research, and an argument that somebody ought to be making.
We're looking at what it would take to become a registered charity, because this argument lands better when it isn't tangled up with anyone's business card.
If you want to help it go further than one website: share it, sign up above, or say hello if you're a parent, teacher, journalist or researcher with something to add.